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VELOCITY · INFLUENCE · OPINION · OCTOBER 9, 2026

Fifty Videos, One State

Google's public ad data shows MAGA Inc. running 50 video ads in five weeks for roughly $4.8 million to $5.9 million, mostly aimed at Texas, nearly half skipping voters 55 and older. DHS has 85 more, $4.9 million to $5.8 million, aimed county by county. The data show where the money went. They do not show what the ads said.

OldGoat InTheHood · theyknewfirst.com · October 9, 2026 · OPINION

GOOGLE ADS DATA, PULLED OCT. 9 SPEND IS REPORTED IN RANGES AD CONTENT NOT REVIEWED THE READING IS OPINION
THIS IS OPINION. Amounts, dates and targeting are DOCUMENTED from Google's public political-ads dataset, as ranges. Ad content and AI use are not in the data and were not reviewed. The reading that the precision and volume suggest professional data work is this Old Goat's INFERENCE, and the Texas Senate explanation is unconfirmed. Meta's library has not been pulled. The comparison table is by advertiser name.

The Pull

The last dispatch, The Library You Cannot Search, said the Old Goat could not query the ad libraries without credentials. Google's is now open: it publishes its political-ads transparency data as a public BigQuery dataset, and the Old Goat queried it on Oct. 9, 2026. The dataset runs through Oct. 9 and holds 1,592,791 ad creatives and 22,423 advertisers. The saved results are in the project data folder (google_political_ads_advertisers_2026-10-09.csv and google_political_ads_creatives_2025on_2026-10-09.csv). Meta's library is still not pulled, because the access token the Old Goat has was rejected as malformed.

Three limits come first. Google reports spend as ranges, not exact figures, so every total below is a low-to-high range summed across ads. The Old Goat did not open any individual ad, so nothing here describes what an ad says or shows. The dataset has no field for AI disclosure, so it cannot say whether any ad was made with AI.

MAGA Inc.: Fifty Videos in Texas

DOCUMENTED. Under the advertiser name MAGA INC, Google lists 59 ads since Nov. 19, 2025, with a cumulative spend of $5.5 million. Nearly all of that came in the last five weeks. Between Sept. 5 and Oct. 9, 2026, the committee ran 50 video ads with a combined spend of roughly $4.8 million to $5.9 million, 9 of them with 10 million or more impressions each. The largest single ad, running Sept. 23 to Oct. 9, spent $1.0 million to $1.5 million. Thirty-four of the 50 are targeted to the state of Texas, and 16 more to blocks of Dallas-area ZIP codes (the 750xx range). Twenty-four target only ages 25 to 54 plus unknown age, leaving out everyone 55 and older; the other 26 include older viewers.

A second listing, MAGA INC. with a period, ran 19 more ads in November 2025 for $154,100 to $181,100. Together the two names account for about $5.0 million to $6.1 million in the ads the Old Goat pulled. The Old Goat has not seen the ads, so it does not claim to know what they say. INFERENCE: Texas has a U.S. Senate race on this fall's ballot, and the comparison below shows Texas candidates among the biggest Google spenders, so a Texas race is the likeliest reason for the focus. The Old Goat has not confirmed that.

The Government as Advertiser

DOCUMENTED. The Department of Homeland Security is itself an advertiser in the same dataset: 85 video ads, March 6, 2025 to Feb. 22, 2026, spending $4.9 million to $5.8 million, with a lifetime figure of $5,285,300 in the advertiser table. They are targeted by county, from Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties together ($100,000 to $125,000 for one ad) to Cook County, Illinois, Harris County, Texas, Maricopa County, Arizona, and Miami-Dade, Broward and Monroe counties in Florida. August 2025 was the largest month, $2.4 million to $2.8 million. A dispatch two weeks ago, Paid For By The U.S. Government, covered the $20 million CBP ad contract. This is the other half: where earlier DHS ads actually ran and in which places.

The Old Goat notes a discrepancy it cannot resolve. The congressional letters reported in the last dispatch say about $3 million in ICE "self-deportation" ads on Google and YouTube. The Google dataset shows $4.9 million to $5.8 million under the advertiser name Department of Homeland Security. They may measure different things: ICE versus all of DHS, and different date windows. The Old Goat did not reconcile them.

The Party Committees

DOCUMENTED. The NRSC ran 441 ads since Nov. 2024 and about 400 of them from July 2026 on, for $3.1 million to $3.8 million in August through October 2026 alone. The Republican National Committee has 93 ads since Oct. 2025 for $349,700 to $442,100. Securing American Greatness, a pro-Trump nonprofit, ran 25 ads over four days in November 2025 for $395,200 to $487,900. The Trump National Committee JFC shows two ads since 2024 for $550,000 to $650,000. Over the lifetime of the advertiser table, the Trump presidential committees top the list: Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. at $81.7 million, the Trump Make America Great Again Committee at $42.9 million, and Donald J. Trump for President 2024 at $32.3 million.

The Wesleyan figure in the last dispatch, 83% of AI-ad spending Republican, is a different measure from a different source and says nothing about Google totals. The next section puts MAGA Inc. beside everyone else.

Compared to What

DOCUMENTED. To avoid choosing only the names under study, the Old Goat ranked every U.S. advertiser in the dataset with ads ending on or after Sept. 5, 2026, by summed spend range. Those totals count each ad's whole spend, including any that began earlier. MAGA INC ranks eighth of the top 60, at $4.8 million to $5.9 million. Above it sit Kalshi Inc (at least $41.7 million across 101 ads, three of them top-coded; see The Top Political Advertiser Takes Bets), the Republican Senate Leadership Fund super PAC listed as SLF PAC ($12.2 million to $14.6 million), a Senate-race group listed as WINSENATE ($10.9 million to $13.0 million), Jon Ossoff for Senate ($8.5 million to $10.3 million), Money Metals Exchange, the Congressional Leadership Fund listed as CLF ($6.1 million to $7.6 million), a California ballot measure committee and No Going Back PAC. Just below MAGA Inc. are Texans for Greg Abbott ($4.7 million to $5.7 million), House Majority PAC under its short name HMP ($4.3 million to $5.2 million) and the Democratic National Committee ($4.0 million to $5.0 million, 56 ads).

Democratic-side advertisers the Old Goat identified by name, for the same window: the DNC at $4.0 million to $5.0 million; Talarico for Texas, the Democratic Senate candidate, at $4.0 million to $5.0 million under one listing and $2.2 million to $2.6 million under a second; the DCCC at $1.8 million to $2.2 million; the DSCC at $1.3 million to $1.5 million; House Majority PAC at $1.5 million to $1.8 million under its full name; and Giffords PAC at $1.1 million to $1.4 million. Republican-side, the NRSC is at $2.4 million to $2.9 million and the RNC is small. The Old Goat classifies these by name, and a few top-60 names (WINSENATE, HMP, Lower Costs Now, One Nation) it has not verified and did not sort.

So MAGA Inc.'s $5 million in five weeks is large and it is not unusual. The DNC spent about the same in the same window, the Senate Leadership Fund spent more than twice as much, and the three Texas candidate committees in the list, Abbott and the two Talarico listings, add up to more than MAGA Inc.'s whole total. What stands out is not the size. It is that the President's own super PAC aimed 50 videos at a single state and nearly half of them at voters under 55, and that the Old Goat cannot yet say what the videos contain. Kalshi's place at the top became its own dispatch, linked above.

What the Old Goat Thinks It Means

This part is opinion, labeled as opinion. The Old Goat has been tracing a chain: the money, the vendors, and the places the persuasion actually appears. MAGA Inc.'s Google spend went from almost nothing between December and August to about $5 million in five weeks, aimed at one state, with nearly half of the ads leaving out voters 55 and older. The Old Goat's INFERENCE is that targeting that precise, at that volume, is the kind of work that data vendors are hired to do, which is why the Campaign Nucleus and Parscale threads matter. The Google record does not name a vendor and does not show that any ad used AI. Nothing here proves that anyone's ads were built with machine-generated persuasion.

The record does show something plain. Google's data lets any citizen see the amount, the dates, the audience and the place for each ad. The ad itself is a link to open and read, which the Old Goat has not yet done for these 50. That is the next step, and the Old Goat expects to report what is in them whatever it is.

The money tells you where. The ad tells you what. You need both.

The Old Goat will update this dispatch as new filings arrive, and welcomes corrections to any figure above.

Ongoing Review

The Old Goat will revisit this dispatch from time to time to verify what's written here, and leaves it to the reader to draw their own conclusions from the information presented.

Behind the curtain, no wizard to find. Just a thunder organ, a wallet, and scaffolding left behind.

The noise is the point. The scaffolding is the story.

Confirmed Sources